The overwhelming focus on the Indo-Pak peace
process has led to the neglect of regional
aspirations of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
This is obvious in the regions of Jammu and
Ladakh. Issues of state policy like grants of
various departments and recruitment and promotion
are now fiercely debated on the basis of regional
claims.
In this situation, BJP is trying to emerge as the
most vocal voice of discontent in Jammu. It is,
however, giving a nationalistic slant to the
regional discontent and is opposing the proposals
for enlarging the autonomy of the state "as a
step towards its eventual secession".
As a more desperate measure the party has revived
the demand for a separate Jammu state. But its
inherent weakness lies in the fact that BJP is
not trusted by Muslims, who comprise a majority
in three out of six districts of the region.
In the recently concluded session of the state
assembly, six out of seven members from Rajouri
and Poonch districts made a demand for separate
regional status. Similarly, an associate member
of the Congress from Doda, another Muslim
majority district in Jammu, moved a Bill for a
similar status for it.
In the third region of the state, namely Ladakh,
in the election to the Autonomous Council in
Buddhist majority Leh district, 25 out of 26
seats were won by the Union Territory Front while
the Congress won the remaining Muslim majority
seat.
The demand for a separation of the region from
the state, however, has no support in the Muslim
majority district of Kargil.
Whatever be the merits of the claims of BJP in
Jammu and the Union Territory Front in Ladakh,
their demands, in effect, mean separation of
Hindu majority districts in Jammu and Buddhist
majority district in Ladakh region from the state.
Their moves receive support from the Kashmir
region also, in particular in the lengthy
266-page document titled Achievable Nationhood,
recently released by Peoples' Conference leader
Sajad Gani Lone.
It suggests that every district be given the
option to "opt out of the arrangement where a
majority of the people feel that their rights are
better protected by not being a part of the J&K".
More specifically, it concedes that "voices
emanating from districts Jammu, Kathua and Ladakh
would suggest the utilisation of the opt-out
option".
The net effect of these moves is to divide the
state on religious lines and carve out a Muslim
state. It hardly needs to be emphasised that
Kashmiri Muslims are Kashmiris as well as
Muslims. Likewise, there are non-Kashmiri
speaking Muslims who are as proud of their
Kashmiri identity.
Other non-Kashmiri Muslim communities include
Gujars, Pahari speaking, Sheena speaking, Dogri
speaking and Ladakhi Muslims who in many respects
are closer to their co-ethnic non-Muslims than to
Muslims.
Kashmiri Muslims have to decide whether they
should submerge their unique identity in a Muslim
state an option which they had rejected in 1947.
Regional identities are the greatest secularising
force in the state. The question, therefore, is
how to reconcile the interests and urges of the
three regions to make a harmonious personality of
the state. Only a federal and decentralised
polity can preserve emotional and political unity
in a diverse state like J&K.
Jawaharlal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah declared on
July 24, 1952 that the constitution of the state
would provide for regional autonomy.
Again the J&K state People's Convention, convened
by Abdullah in 1968, unanimously accepted a draft
on internal constitution of the state which
provided for regional autonomy and further
devolution of power to the district, block, and
panchayat levels.
The Regional Autonomy Committee submitted a
report in 1998 which discussed further details ofral safeguards to all regions and ethnic
communities.
In particular, it suggested an eight-point
formula for allocation of funds to regions and
districts. These ideas can provide a basis for a
wider discussion to evolve a consensus for
building a stable and secular identity of the
state.
index | HOME Landelijke India Werkgroep | pagina KRUITVAT INDIA-PAKISTAN |